藝評

圖片說明：

2020年1月1日，香港中環滙豐銀行總行大廈外的銅獅子被縱火焚燒和淋油塗污（照片由作者提供）

Caption:
Set alight and paint-splattered lion and graffiti outside HSBC Headquarters, Central, Hong Kong, 1 January 2020 (photo: John Batten).



(Please scroll down for English version)

香港應該有更多關於「Realpolitik」（現實政治）的討論。這個源自德語的詞語有著一針見血的動聽，字典上的釋義很值得現時的香港參考：

      realpolitik [名詞]：現實政治／實用政治／實力政策：基於目前實際情況而不是意識形態考慮的政治制度或原則

每當政治處於僵局，又或意識形態或純粹固執地一成不變的立場令談判難以進行時，便需要重新評估。採納現實政治的態度，是走出政治死胡同的務實取態。

香港眾志最近便有這種舉措。該政黨自成立以來已在政治宣言中加入了香港「自決」的呼籲。政黨要暢順運作需要開立銀行帳戶，但香港眾志卻未能做到；最近的立法會與區議會選舉，該黨所有成員均被拒諸門外。任何無法參與本港主流議會的政黨，最終只會變得不相干，餘下邊緣化的利益關係。香港眾志在組織宗旨方面作出了合理的修訂，把「推動香港民主自決」改為「推動香港的民主與進步價值」。這個策略正是現實政治，一方面畫清了政治操作界線以合法參與主流政治，另一方面也強化和保護了組織定位，免得政府再有任何禁止其參與未來選舉的藉口。

有關現實政治的學說，提摩希．史奈德（Timothy Snyder）的《暴政》*頗值得參考。這本精彩著作可以在香港書店可以找到，而且備有中文與英文版本，作者以它挑戰任何嘗試控制和削弱自由的政府。他解釋這是為回應特朗普選舉而創作的作品（書中並沒有點名），以抗衡總統的倒退管治為主調，可以發揮小指南的作用。史奈德的作品以上二十則歷史教訓帶出多種策略，說明如何保持公民本已擁有的自由，並確保民主基礎得到維護與加強，適用於香港的情況。

香港眾志可能有拜讀史奈德的第14個堂課。作者解釋指，極權主義消除了私人與公共之間的差異，目的不只是令個人不自由，也同時令整個社會遠離正常的政治，走向陰謀論。在這些環境下，每個人和每個組織都必須格外透明而不是秘而不談；覇主要確保能解決任何法律上的麻煩，會找出用來把你問罪的把柄，所以盡量不要讓自己有任何把柄。

史奈德的課堂放諸天下與不同政治光譜皆通。香港現時的反政府示威中，政治取態相反的黃藍兩營均互有指控、標籤、污蔑和指責。史奈德的著作提醒我們，所有人都應該對現世面貌負責，而現今的象徵符號將促成明日的真實；卍字飾和其他代表仇恨的象徵符號正正值得我們注意。不要置若罔聞，也不要習以為常。先由自己出發，清除這些象徵符號，以為其他人以樹立榜樣。

我並不同意砸壞銀行、到處塗鴉、向法院投擲汽油彈、搗毀港鐵站和破壞交通燈。我明白為什麼這些事情會發生（請參閱我在2020年1月3日在《明周》專欄中的解釋），但我並不同意這種破壞行為。如果你毀滅舊有而行之有效的制度，往後又何去何從？ 史奈德的論說比我言簡意賅，他指出，制度幫助我們保持合宜的禮節，但制度本身也需要外力幫忙。除非你親身按其行事，令它們真正成為你的制度，否則不要稱之為「我們的制度」。制度不能保護自己。除非從一開始已得到守護，制度只們會一個接著一個倒下。因此，請你選擇你關心的制度––法院、報章、法例、工會，然後與其站在同一陣線。


* 提摩希．史奈德：《暴政：掌控關鍵年代的獨裁風潮，洞悉時代之惡的20堂課》，英語版本2017年出版。


原文刊於《明報周刊》，2020年1月31日




Lessons in Real Politics

by John Batten


The term ‘realpolitik’ should be heard more often in Hong Kong. Adopted into the English language, the original German word has a direct-to-the-point mellifluousness about it, with a dictionary meaning absolutely relevant in today’s Hong Kong:

       realpolitik [noun]: a system of politics or principles based on practical
       rather than moral or ideological considerations

Whenever there is political deadlock, or when a fixed position - ideological or just stubbornness - makes negotiations difficult, reassessment is necessary. Adopting an attitude of the realpolitik is a pragmatic approach to any political impasse.

Demosisto has recently done exactly that. Since its formation, the party’s manifesto has included calling for Hong Kong’s “self-determination.” However, Demosisto was unable to open bank accounts, so necessary to smoothly operate, and had members barred from standing in recent Legislative Council and District Council elections. Any political party that cannot engage in the city’s mainstream political forums will eventually become irrelevant or of fringe interest. Demosisto has done a sensible adjustment to their manifesto, replacing “self-determination” with “promoting Hong Kong’s democratic and progressive values.” By adopting a strategic realpolitik attitude, Demosisto is asserting the boundaries of political manoeuvring to legitimately engage in mainstream politics. The party is also strengthening and cushioning itself against any government move to ban the party’s participation in future elections.

There is a marvellous book now available in Hong Kong’s bookshops in both English and Chinese that offers (realpolitik) lessons to challenge any government that attempts to control and lessen freedoms. Timothy Snyder’s On Tyranny* was written, the author explains, as a response to the election of Donald Trump (without actually naming him) and as a small manual to resist his retrograde presidency. The book offers strategies, in the form of twenty lessons from history, in how to maintain freedoms that citizens already have and ensure that the foundations of a democracy are maintained and reinforced. Snyder’s book is applicable to Hong Kong.

Snyder’s Lesson 14 could have been read by Demosisto. Snyder explains that, “Totalitarianism removes the difference between private and public not just to make individuals unfree, but also to draw the whole society away from normal politics and toward conspiracy theories.” Under these circumstances, it is essential for individuals and organisations to be particularly transparent, not secretive and to ensure “to resolve any legal trouble. Tyrants seek the hook on which to hang you. Try not to have hooks.”

And, Snyder’s lessons are universal, across the political spectrum. During Hong Kong’s current anti-government protests, both sides of the political divide - the yellow and blue sides - have both engaged in targeting, labelling, abuse and finger-pointing. Snyder’s reminds us that we all must “take responsibility for the face of the world” and that “the symbols of today enable the reality of tomorrow. Notice the swastikas and the other signs of hate. Do not look away, and do not get used to them. Remove them yourself and set an example for others to do so.”  

I don’t agree with the destruction of banks, graffitiing and fire bombing of the courts, the smashing-up of MTR stations and traffic-lights. I can understand why it is happening (see my explanation in Ming Pao Weekly, 3 January 2020), but I don’t agree with such destruction.  If you destroy the ‘old’ and established institutions, then what? Synder succinctly reasons much better than me: “It is institutions that help us preserve decency. They need help as well. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you make them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions do not protect themselves. They fall one after the other unless each is defended from the beginning. So, choose an institution you care about – a court, a newspaper, a law, a labour union – and take its side.”


*Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny – Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, 2017.



This article was originally published in Ming Pao Weekly on 31 January 2020. Translated into Chinese by Aulina Chan.